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If you want to contact us,
please email info@insidepolitics.org.za
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30 July 2010
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| The 30 most recent posts on InsidePolitics follow below |
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THE 2008 BUDGET VOTES: HOW THE OPPOSITION VOTED
Attached to this article is a table which sets out how the 15 parties represented in the National Assembly voted in the 2008 budget votes.
I have previously, in a series of articles, set out what the budget votes are, why they are important and how they work; as well as some analysis of voting patterns in previous years. Should you be unfamiliar with the process, I would recommend reading the following articles - and certainly the first - by way of introduction:
• What is a budget vote?
• The ACDP on the ANC and crime - for or against?
• The IFP on the ANC and crime - for or against?
• The 2007 budget votes
• The 2007 budget votes - how the opposition voted on safety and security
This year the budget votes took place on 17 June, and the way in which the opposition voted once again makes for interesting analysis.
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| Posted on 02/07/2008 |
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A VICIOUS CIRCLE OF POOR LANGUAGE AND POOR REASONING
Writing for his regular column in the Sunday Independent this past Sunday, Edwin Naidu has produced an article the sheer idiocy of which renders it almost immune to full and proper interrogation: an attack on the DA’s suggestion that Jacob Zuma debate Helen Zille. And so I will not attempt to provide any such analysis here; for, were I to do so, simply identifying and explaining all the logical errors inherent in his reasoning would require a response of some considerable length, never mind the rebuttal, an exercise for which I have neither the time nor the inclination.
(See here for a detailed response to a previous column by Naidu and good illustration of the sorts of logical errors he is prone to making.)
There is, however, another problem with Naidu’s article, aside from its perverse logic. And that is his use - or perhaps I should say misuse - of the English language; a problem of some gravity if one considers that his column appears prominently on the editorial page of a leading Sunday newspaper.
Nor is it a problem limited to the particular article identified above, but a common trait of almost all of his writing. Thus, what I will attempt to do here, is to identify some of the more significant problems with the way Naidu writes, with the hope that, by doing so, I will also illustrate some broader trends and bad habits that, unfortunately, often define South African journalism.
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| Posted on 30/06/2008 |
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QUOTABLE QUOTES: JACOB ZUMA IN HIS OWN WORDS
Last week the DA held a press conference about ANC President Jacob Zuma, in which the party released a quotes document outlining some of the ANC president’s more controversial statements and positions. DA leader Helen Zille then wrote to Zuma, setting out his position on ten key issues - like HIV/Aids, the Arms Deal, the separation of party and state and his attitude to the Constitution and asking him to clarify his position with regard to each of them. (For more, see here).
What follows is a summary of the key quotes - 36 of Zuma’s most outrageous statements. They make for disturbing reading.
SELECTED OTHER EDITIONS OF QUOTABLE QUOTES:
• Contradiction and Doublespeak
• Merit or Quotas
• The ANC, the SABC and the media
• Crime and corruption
• Winning and losing
• Race and racism
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| Posted on 24/06/2008 |
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THE ANC AND RELIGION - PART 5
The final section in the InsidePolitics series on the ANC and religion follows below. As indicated before, the series should be read as a whole, as each section actually forms part of a single essay. The five sections are:
1. Introduction
2. The ANC and Religion
3. Thabo Mbeki and the Truth
4. Jacob Zuma and God
5. Conclusion
Here, then, is the conclusion.
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| Posted on 19/06/2008 |
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THE ANC AND RELIGION - PART 4
Part four in our five part series on the ANC and religion follows below. The five sections of the series are:
1. Introduction
2. The ANC and Religion
3. Thabo Mbeki and the Truth
4. Jacob Zuma and God
5. Conclusion
Tomorrow, we will conclude the series.
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| Posted on 18/06/2008 |
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THE ANC AND RELIGION - PART 3
Today InsidePolitics brings you the third part of our series on the ANC and religion (third in a five part series). Having set the scene in parts one and two, we will now look at how religion manifests in - and is a helpful tool to explain - the politics of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. We start with Mbeki. Again, just as a reminder, the five sections of this series follow below and, ultimately, they should all be read together.
1. Introduction
2. The ANC and Religion
3. Thabo Mbeki and the Truth
4. Jacob Zuma and God
5. Conclusion
The section on Jacob Zuma will follow tomorrow.
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| Posted on 17/06/2008 |
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THE ANC AND RELIGION - PART 2
Today we bring you the second instalment from an essay on the ANC and religion.
The five instalments are:
1. Introduction
2. The ANC and Religion
3. Thabo Mbeki and the Truth
4. Jacob Zuma and God
5. Conclusion
Next week we will bring you the third section, on Thabo Mbeki and the truth.
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| Posted on 13/06/2008 |
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WHO’S NEGATIVE, THE DA OR THE MEDIA?
The following story is from the blog ‘Ant’s World’, run and managed by the DA’s Director of Relationship Management, Anthony Hazell, and makes some interesting points about the constantly repeated - but, I would argue, never substantiated - claim that the DA is ‘negative’.
The story is worth reading and his blog worth visiting.
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| Posted on 13/06/2008 |
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THE ANC AND RELIGION - PART 1
The next five posts on InsidePolitics will, together, comprise a single essay on the ANC and religion. The central thesis of the essay is that religion is a helpful metaphor for understanding the ANC’s political ideology and, in particular, for better understanding the politics of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. The five different posts - each one of which constitutes a different section of the full essay - are as follows:
1. Introduction
2. The ANC and Religion
3. Thabo Mbeki and the Truth
4. Jacob Zuma and God
5. Conclusion
Thus, today, we start with the introduction, which sets out the argument in broad terms, on which I will elaborate in each of the next four posts.
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| Posted on 12/06/2008 |
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FIRST WORLD AMBITIONS, THIRD WORLD REALITIES
In many ways, South Africa is a country with first world ambitions, constantly hampered by third world realities.
We have the largest economy in Africa, but an unemployment rate of 40 % and a vast percentage of the population dependent on state assistance, in one form or another. We have one of the largest police forces in the world, but the highest violent crime rate. We have huge cities and immense rural tracts of land. Indeed, we must be the only country in the world building a super underground train, while simultaneously trying to eradicate the bucket system.
This contradiction plays itself out on many different levels; and perhaps the most complex of these, is culturally. For example, we have democracy that caters for both tribal chiefs and directors-general; we have a medical system that caters for traditional healers and doctors with university degrees; and we have brutal initiation ceremonies in the Eastern Cape while, at national level, we debate legislation on abortion.
At the furthest end of the spectrum, the contrast between these two competing worlds becomes so stark as to border on the truly bizarre: While the Governor of the Reserve Bank explains to the portfolio committee on finance (and the world) why inflation targeting is necessary, the Mpumalanga legislature is considering a piece of legislation making it illegal to brand a person a witch. (Did you know some 350 people were convicted of such a crime in 2004? See here, here, here and here for more.)
Throw in other cultural practices, like the selling of human body parts, and things really become surreal. You will be surprised how often these sorts of cultural conflicts play themselves out, in day-to-day political life.
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| Posted on 11/06/2008 |
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PARALLELS AND CONTINUITY: THE SARCC AND ESKOM
Delivering his 2008 budget vote speech for the department of transport, Minister Jeff Radebe announced that, among many other things, government would be spending R18 billion on passenger rail infrastructure over the medium term (the next 3 - 5 years), mainly because of the 2010 FIFA World Cup which, according to the Minister, serves “as a catalyst for transport transformation”.
(Of course, the immediate response that comes to mind is, why do we need a catalyst to maintain or upgrade our infrastructure? Surely that is something a government does with or without ‘catalysts’? Nevetheless.)
The R18 billion will no doubt be gratefully received and welcomed by all concerned. And so it should. It is desperately needed. In elaborating on the allocation, the Minister stated:
“Government has increased funding for passenger rail transport services to the tune of R18 billion over the MTEF. This funding is vital for the turnaround strategy being implemented by the South African Rail Commuter Corporation (SARCC) aimed at immediate and significant improvements through the upgrading of the current rolling stock fleet as well as the upgrading of the signalling infrastructure.
“I am proud to say that over the past 18 months, the SARCC has been able to upgrade and take through its general overhaul programme over 790 coaches which have since been deployed back into service. The SARCC has already committed another 700 coaches to be refurbished in this current financial year at an estimated cost of almost R2 billion in this regard. This is vital because a key factor in the deterioration of rail services has been under-investment in rolling stock.”
But that is putting a gloss on things. While the SARCC has indeed managed to upgrade some of its fleet, that is just part of the problem. And R18 billion is certainly significant, but by no means enough. Consider this extract from a presentation by Lucky Motana - SARCC CEO - to the transport portfolio committee in March this year (just over two months ago):
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| Posted on 10/06/2008 |
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COUNTING THE COST
The DA recently used a parliamentary question to ask the minister of transport how big the country’s road infrastructure backlog was - nationally and by province. The answer that came back was a staggering R72 billion, and little or no hope (on the part of the state) of it being eradicated in the near future.
Remember that there is a broader context when it comes to questions about the state of the country’s infrastructure. Eskom CEO Jacob Maroga has estimated that the power utility will have to spend R1.3 trillion on new capacity up to 2025, much of which is due to years of neglect and under-spending by the state. Elsewhere, the Railway Commuter Corporation recently told the transport portfolio committee that it needed R25 billion to overcome its infrastructure backlog. In short, almost every element of South Africa’s physical infrastructure has been grossly neglected by the ANC government. And we are only now beginning to count the cost.
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| Posted on 08/05/2008 |
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MEASURING INFLUENCE
It is a common accusation, dished out now and again without much consideration: ‘the opposition has no influence’. It’s also palpably untrue. In fact, the DA’s influence is far reaching and powerful, not just in terms of the municipalities where it governs but, more pertinently, with regards to how it influences the policy and practice of government and the ruling party.
There are many such examples, which often go unacknowledged. Last year, Finance Minister Trevor Manuel used the tabling of his medium term budget policy-statement to berate national departments for their excessive expenditure: “National Department’s will be asked to find efficiency savings of about R2.3 billion over the next three years by limiting spending on unnecessary entertainment, travel and hotel accommodation, misplaced branding and communications initiatives and poorly managed consultancy services and related frills.”
In large part, this move was a reaction to the coverage generated by the DA on this issue (most of which was bad for the government). Every year, the party asks a series of parliamentary questions about the amount spent in these various categories by the state; the information is then compiled and a press conference is called. Every year, the numbers paint a picture of excess and unjustified increases in expenditure. As a result, those stories and the DA’s position on them have featured prominently in the media. In turn, this negative coverage transforms into pressure on government. And the effect of that pressure, over a number of years, has now resulted in a change of government policy.
But that is not the particular example on which I would like to focus in this article. Rather, a more recent - and just as significant - development has taken place; one for which the DA, in large part, should also be given credit.
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| Posted on 07/05/2008 |
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INTELLECTUAL DISHONESTY: DE VOS VERSUS ZILLE
It is very unusual for an academic (and certainly a law academic) to make as many logical errors as are committed in this particular piece and it is for that reason I have decided to use it to illustrate some of the (logical) shortcomings often involved in constructing a coherent argument. Because, if a senior academic can make these mistakes, anyone can, and it is useful to identify and explain them.
The piece in question is the third in an exchange between DA leader Helen Zille and Pierre de Vos, Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of the Western Cape (and part-time political commentator). And I would recommend reading it in full, before continuing with this article. It is not my intention to involve myself directly in that exchange, rather to simply analyse the logic used in the piece to illustrate some broader problems (for Zille’s side of the argument, see here).
Nor is this response meant to be comprehensive, there are numerous other mistakes in De Vos’s piece, which I have not identified here, as space does not allow. Here then are four logical errors from De Vos’s response to Helen Zille.
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| Posted on 25/04/2008 |
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THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION
As a result of apartheid, South Africa’s workforce was skewed disproportionately in favour of minorities (particular whites). Thus, with a new dispensation, came a systematic drive to redress this disparity and, in 1998, the Employment Equity Act was promulgated in order to force South Africa’s various institutions - both public and private - to become broadly representative of the country’s demographics (and, ostensibly, to enforce “fair” employment practices).
Affirmative action has now been part of South African law for a decade and its consequences have been far-reaching. Much has been made of the fairness of those principles which underpin the legislation but, more recently, there is another development worth examining: as a result of affirmative action, a number of institutions are demographically representative and the question becomes - what now?
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| Posted on 22/04/2008 |
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SOUTH AFRICA: CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRACY 14 YEARS AFTER LIBERATION
This speech was to be delivered by Sandra Botha to the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, Pacific, Africa and the Caribbean at the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats meeting held in Brussels on 16 April 2008.
Friends in liberty and democracy, ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to open my address to you tonight by stating upfront and categorically that choosing democracy in 1994 was the best choice that the people of South Africa could have made then, for now and for all posterity.
Millions of South Africans, both those so-called “beneficiaries of apartheid” as well as those who were discriminated against by South Africa’s former system of government, today enjoy freedoms which they could only have dreamt of prior to Nelson Mandela’s inauguration as our country’s first democratically elected President.
South Africa is a nation of brave and resilient people who have shown great courage in the face of adversity – this undoubtedly bodes well for our future as a country and as a democracy.
With courage and optimism in hand, the people of South Africa:
-believe in the surmountability of the challenges that they face;
-refuse to be held hostage by a criminal minority; and,
-believe that they can win the fight against the crushing effects of poverty and corruption.
Economically speaking, South Africa has not been immune to what is popularly referred to as “the global credit crunch”. Yet, it is worthwhile to remember that a mere decade ago, South Africans had to make ends meet despite interest rates of 25% and more, while the prime lending rate during the current challenging round is but only 15%.
It was just twenty years ago, the South African government was unable to make its debt repayments, when the stock market was sent spiralling down and the rand had sunk to unknown lows.
Over the past seven years we have seen encouraging levels of growth in consumer confidence, in investor confidence, in important sectors such as tourism and manufacturing and in the economy as a whole. We have also seen billions of rands paid back to taxpayers annually since 2006.
While these positive developments and achievements are not to be disregarded or diminished for one minute, the fact that South Africa, fourteen years after liberation, faces grave challenges to its status as a democracy, should not escape us.
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| Posted on 15/04/2008 |
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NO ARGUMENT, NO CONTENT, NO CLUE
The point has been made a number of times, but it is worth repeating: as a general rule, the ANC and its alliance partners consistently refuse to argue on the facts, relying rather on character assassination and misdirection instead.
More particularly, whereas Thabo Mbeki and his acolytes often used quite complex logical fallacies and the manipulation of language to misdirect debate, Jacob Zuma and his confidants rely on more brutal ad hominem attacks, along with far less complicated and far more direct language.
Both are equally dishonest and both say something about the character of the relevant individual.
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| Posted on 04/04/2008 |
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THE ANC IS MAKING A MOCKERY OF PARLIAMENT
Last month, the ANC accused the DA of “making a mockery of parliament”. This came after Public Protector Lawrence Mushwana recommended that parliamentary action be taken against DA MP Mike Waters, and the DA’s subsequent refusal to do so.
Mushwana was of the opinion that a complaint made by Waters - that President Thabo Mbeki had abused his office by demanding that Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang be prioritsed on an organ-transplant list and that her alleged alcoholism be concealed - was without foundation or substance and that Waters had acted unconstitutionally, in a manner unbecoming of an MP, and had abused the Office of the Public Protector for political gain.
In response, the DA accused Mushwana of acting with a political agenda that of – attacking DA – rather than pursuing his mandate. After all, the DA had long since withdrawn its request for an investigation (following a meeting with Mbeki) and, given Mushwana’s dubious track record on investigating all things ANC, his decision seemed to fit a rather partisan pattern of his. Nevertheless, the merits of his decision aside, it is worth responding to the ANC, whose hypocrisy in accusing the DA of abusing Parliament is as spectacular as it is hypocritical.
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| Posted on 31/03/2008 |
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ANC ACCOUNTABILITY VS FOREIGN ACCOUNTABILITY: COMPARING APPLES AND ORANGES
Last Thursday (28 February), French President Nicholas Sarkozy addressed a joint-sitting of Parliament as part of a two day visit to South Africa.
The Department of Foreign Affairs issued a press brief two days before the visit that stated that “President Mbeki was hosting President Sarkozy within the context of South Africa's priority to strengthen bilateral political, economic and trade relations with France with a view to consolidating North – South relations”.
The brief also elaborated on what the engagements between the Presidents were likely to include. One of the key issues expected to be covered was “co-operation between the two countries in addressing South Africa's energy challenges in the context of the challenges of recent load shedding experienced in the country.”
The announcement that France is giving a R15.5 billion coal fired power station to South Africa as a gesture of friendship and will also be sending a team of French engineers to the country to help resolve the energy crisis proves that this issue was indeed covered. While the investment and expertise elicited from France is great news for the country, key questions that still have not been answered by Government is who has been held accountable for this energy crisis and what action has been taken against those responsible?
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| Posted on 03/03/2008 |
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EMPOWERING THE FEW, DISEMPOWERING THE MANY
Two years ago, Eskom’s human resources MD Mpho Letlape told a financial magazine that they had to hire 5000 skilled staff for their R84 billion infrastructure programme, and that half of these had to be black women.
Eskom’s employment equity targets for 2010 include 65% black staff at managerial level, and 40% women representation.
The recent devastating power cuts are due to maintenance problems as well as lack of capacity, and accusations have been made that inexperienced engineers and artisans are to blame.
A Carte Blanche TV expose has blamed a lack of coal supply on the use of BEE suppliers, casting doubt on the wet coal excuse.
Meanwhile, ordinary citizens suffer most from the blackouts. The fact that Eskom is obsessed with race and gender targets instead of hiring the best available skills surely does not comfort the Soweto housewife who tries to prepare food by candle light.
“Transformation” and “affirmative action” have become meaningless words that are used to justify the privileging of a very small elite, but with outcomes that often disadvantage those who are weakest and most vulnerable.
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| Posted on 28/02/2008 |
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ATTACKING THE AUTHOR AND NOT THE ARGUMENT
The ruling party used last Friday’s edition of ANC Today to respond to two recent articles by Helen Zille and, in turn, to launch a scathing attack on the DA leader.
The first article it refers to was a statement made by Zille on 4 February titled “Mbeki can salvage his legacy by repudiating the National Democratic Revolution”. It was made just prior to the President’s State of the Nation Address and, in it, she set out what she believed President Mbeki should say in his upcoming speech. The second is an edition of SA Today, published on 15 February and titled “A Public Challenge to Jacob Zuma: Pledge your allegiance to the Constitution”. In it, Zille challenged ANC President Jacob Zuma to commit to the South African Constitution as South Africa’s primary set of laws and ideals. (Zuma has, on several occasions, said the ANC is more important than the Constitution).
I would recommend reading all three pieces before proceeding further.
Quite clearly those two articles hit a chord within the ruling party; for the ANC’s dogmatic response - one driven more by emotion than rational consideration - is both mendacious and, in parts, illogical. It does not directly address or respond to what Helen Zille said, setting up straw men and relying on misdirection instead. It is riddled with prejudice and, I believe, deserving of a response.
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| Posted on 25/02/2008 |
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STATE OF THE NATION DEBATE
Madam Speaker,
The ANC has never been more dismal in a state of the nation debate. The implication is that deep down, the ANC knows the truth: that our ship of state is not on course. It is off course, and in perilous waters, and in danger of running aground.
But the ANC lacks the moral courage to accept reality and take responsibility.
So instead its speakers stand up here and dissemble and deny and dismiss criticism with self-righteous contempt.
But let’s look reality in the eye for a moment:
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| Posted on 15/02/2008 |
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WHAT IS DELEGATED LEGISLATION
In a previous article InsidePolitics looked at the extent to which Parliament was failing to uphold one of its core objectives - the passing of legislation.
Interestingly, while Parliament is responsible for the formulation of the bulk of South Africa’s laws, not all legislation is required to be passed by Parliament. Delegated legislation - also referred to as secondary or subordinate legislation - is such an example. So, what is delegated legislation, and how does it work?
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| Posted on 14/02/2008 |
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DESTRUCTIVE IMPORTS – OVERSEAS FADS HINDER OUR PROGRESS
by Jack Bloom
Matric pupils this year write an exam on the curriculum that grew out of the outcomes-based education (OBE) approach first introduced in 1997.
OBE has a very mixed record in countries like Britain, Australia and New Zealand. It has been a disaster here, especially in poorer schools where teachers were inadequately trained in its implementation.
Education Minister Naledi Pandor sat in on a lesson where she wondered why the teacher never wrote anything on the board. The teacher said that she had been instructed that OBE means one should always face the class!
Textbooks were abandoned as OBE was interpreted to mean that there was no set curriculum, and teachers and pupils would jointly construct it.
This could only work in better-resourced schools where teachers were properly qualified and motivated.
In 2002, the Revised National Curriculum Statement reinstated textbooks and content, and reduced 66 outcomes to three.
Attention is returning to the teaching of basic literacy and numeracy in which we score miserably even compared to neighbouring countries like Swaziland and Lesotho.
Education is not the only area where overseas fads cause destructive impact.
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| Posted on 13/02/2008 |
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THE CENTRE CANNOT HOLD
The Democratic Alliance recently released an analysis of the number of vacancies in national government departments for 2007. The figures make for alarming reading and go some way toward explaining poor service delivery in certain key portfolios.
There were two elements to the DA’s analysis, which was based on information contained in each department’s annual report. On the one hand, the party worked out an overall vacancy rate for each department and across all 29 departments. On the other hand, it worked out a specific rate for highly skilled positions, again, both within each department and across all 29. It then compared the two figures.
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| Posted on 07/02/2008 |
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ANC: WHO IS ACCOUNTABLE TO WHOM AND FOR WHAT?
On Sunday, 27 January 2008, the ANC celebrated its 96th anniversary rally in Philippi, Cape Town. One of the speakers was ANC treasurer-general Mathews Phosa who made the following statement:
“If President Thabo Mbeki can take instruction from the organisation, then who are you as councillor or premier to refuse to do the same? If you do not take instruction, then you are asking for marching orders.”
On the same weekend, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Jacob Zuma said the following in response to a question about the current energy crisis:
“I’m not certain whether, when there have been some shortcomings, we should punish people for that. Once decisions have been taken by a collective, you can’t punish individuals as if they’ve done something deliberate.”
They are two important statements, which speak to the same issue: the policy that the ANC follows when it comes to holding its party members (the vast majority of which are public representatives) to account. And, reading between the lines, it would appear that the message suggests that irrespective of how badly you fail at carrying out your official duties - if you toe the party line your job is safe; if you don’t you will be axed.
Of course this is nothing new. Since the ANC came to power in 1994, it has gone out of its way to protect its own, constantly putting its party interests ahead of those of the state and the public more broadly.
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| Posted on 04/02/2008 |
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JOINT SITTING ON THE ELECTRICITY CRISIS: ANC TAKING THE CREDIT
Today Parliament will be holding a joint sitting to discuss the energy crisis that has gripped the country over the last few weeks.
Yesterday, political parties were informed of this special sitting by the Speaker’s office. Media reports have subsequently reported that Speaker Baleka Mbete justified her decision to convene Parliament before the President’s State of the Nation address on 8 February by stating that the current power outages were a concern for her ahead of the Inter-parliamentary Union 118th Assembly to be hosted in Cape Town in April.
But, in reality the Speaker had nothing to do with idea which was almost entirely the DA’s. It is just another example of the ANC dropping the ball and then desperately trying to take credit for someone else’s idea.
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| Posted on 30/01/2008 |
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NEW ANC CHIEF WHIP: NOT A NEW THREAT TO PARLIAMENT ‘S OVERSIGHT ROLE
Yesterday, at the ANC’s first parliamentary caucus meeting of the year, Chief Whip Isaac Mogase was removed from his position and was replaced by ANC MP Nathi Mthethwa (chairperson of the Minerals and Energy Portfolio Committee).
This parliamentary leadership reshuffle comes as no surprise seeing as Mthethwa serves on the newly elected NEC and is a Jacob Zuma supporter. The ANC’s explanation for the change is to “to ensure there was a synergy between the party’s parliamentary leadership and its national leadership”. Translated, it merely serves to demonstrate further evidence of the ANC’s new leadership attempting to tighten is grip on its MP’s in Parliament – representatives who are meant to exercise oversight over this very leadership.
The role of Chief Whip in Parliament comes with many responsibilities. The National Assembly Guide to Procedure lists the following main functions he/she is expected to perform:
•Arranges business on the Order Paper, subject to the Rules and the
directives of the Programme Committee, and the concurrence of the
Leader of Government Business where Government business is
concerned.
•Is responsible for discipline among majority party members, ensuring, for
example, that enough members are in the House to form a majority in the
event of a division.
•Chairs the Chief Whips Forum (see below) and is responsible for political
consultation among parties in the Assembly.
•Moves most formal procedural motions in the Assembly that are not
initiated by opposition parties.
•Considers requests by committees to sit beyond the seat of Parliament or
during sittings of the Assembly (subject in some instances to consultation
with the Speaker) (Rule 223).
The ANC on announcing the appointment of Mthethwa added, amongst other things, the following on the role of Chief Whip of the Majority Party on its website website:
”The Chief Whip of the Majority Party, is the most senior ANC Whip, upon whom rests the ultimate responsibility for the actions of all ANC MP's. It is the task of the Chief Whip to ensure that all ANC MP's perform their functions efficiently. The Chief Whip, is the most senior party Parliamentary Office Bearer; is the political manager and strategist for ANC Caucus and acts as a communications link between ANC MP's and the Executive (Cabinet). The Chief Whip acts on delegated authority from the NEC and the Political Committee. In executing this mandate the Chief Whip delegates authority to other Whips and Members as the circumstances may determine.”
(The ANC’s job description clears up any confusion that exists regarding whether the new leadership deems it important to have a Chief Whip who is loyal to its cause.)
However, more importantly, both the NA guide to procedure and the ANC’s description highlight the vital role the Chief Whip plays in ensuring discipline amongst ANC MPs.
Looking back at the past few years one can only question how successful the Chief Whip of the Majority Party has been when it comes to fulfilling this role.
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| Posted on 25/01/2008 |
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SOMALIS: MURDERS CONTINUE WHILE GOVERNMENT DOES NOTHING
In September 2006, then DA leader Tony Leon and Cape Town Mayor Helen Zille met with representatives of the Somali Community in Cape Town to discuss the spate of violent attacks that had been committed against them in the preceding months.
During August and September that year, at least 28 Somali shopkeepers were killed in the Western Cape alone.
After meeting with the Somalis the DA called on Government to start taking concrete action to ensure the safety of foreign nationals who had entered the country arguing that Government’s claims that the protection and promotion of cultural diversity was one of its priorities sounded hollow when immigrants were left to be attacked and murdered on a daily basis.
But what has happened since then?
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| Posted on 24/01/2008 |
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ON CORRUPTION
One of the great mysteries of South Africa’s new democracy is the ever-elusive answer to the ever-more pertinent question: “why does President Mbeki not fire the Minister of Health?”
Numerous different explanations have been put forward, the most popular being the most simple - that he agrees with pretty much everything she does.
There is, no doubt, much truth to this. Certainly if Mbeki’s own track record on HIV/Aids is anything to go by, the Health Minister is simply doing his bidding. But there is another, less popular, theory, although by no means any less credible:
Manto Tshabalala-Msimang is married to the ANC’s former Treasurer-General, Mendi Msimang.
(Mendi) Msimang formally took over from Makhenkesi Stofile (The current minister of sport and recreation) in January 1998; but, in practice, there was a period of transition which started prior to the ANC’s 50th national conference, in December 1997 – the same conference at which Mbeki was elected President of the ANC. Since then, and like Mbeki, he has of course been replaced (by Matthews Phosa) at the ANC’s 2006 Polokwane conference, which saw wholesale changes to the ANC’s NEC.
Nevertheless, while he occupied the position, as with Stofile, Msimang, Msimang would have been aware of every significant financial transaction to have taken place involving the ruling party’s national operation.
Consider some of the things that would involve: Oilgate (the channelling of R11 million worth of tax-payers’ money into the ANC’s 2004 election coffers via a public entity – PetroSA); Chancellor House (where government contracts benefited companies set up by the ANC); and Brett Kebble’s various donations to the ruling party and its youth league. And those are just the funding scandals to have made the light of day.
Were Mbeki to alienate Msimang, he would be alienating one the party’s most trusted and senior members and certainly one privy to a wealth of highly confidential and, no doubt, potentially compromising information.
The connection between Mendi Msimang and the ANC’s dubious financial track record is not a coincidence, indeed, understanding the relationship between the ANC’s financial needs and the way it conducts itself in government is critical to understanding the nature and prevalence of corruption in South Africa. The ruling party’s attitude to ‘fundraising’ has fuelled an environment in which everything is negotiable and principles have become guidelines, to be adopted or ignored at will. And while corruption is not a phenomenon limited to party politics, it is a disease that affects almost all areas of public life and the ruling party’s contribution to this situation is deeply significant.
To cut through the rhetoric and get to the heart of the matter, it is necessary to briefly return to Stofile and an interview he gave in 1997.
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| Posted on 23/01/2008 |
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